Kesh B Malla
TKP
India is changing at a rapid pace. With a steady economic growth lasting many years, it is already on the verge of overtaking Japan to become the third largest economy in the world. But William Dalrymple, the award-winning Scottish writer, leaves aside congratulatory remarks on economic progress in his newest book on the country; rather he collects stories of people—all real—taking up a spiritual journey across India.
Nine Lives: In Search of the Sacred in Modern India, is a travelogue that includes remarkable accounts of ordinary people who have been displaced by political tragedies and religious fundamentalism. Tashi Passang, for instance, is a Tibetan monk who fled his homeland after the Chinese invasion and took up arms in the hopes of winning his land back. Living in exile in India now, he prints prayer flags seeking atonement for the violence he committed. Then there is Lal Peri, a Sufi saint. A young Muslim girl from Bihar, she had taken refuge in a Sufi shrine in Sindh, Pakistan, following the partition of India and Pakistan and then Bangladesh from Pakistan.
The author, through his account of Prasannamati Mataji, also tells of the hard rituals and practices of Jain nuns. While Buddhist monks shave, these nuns pluck their hair; they are not supposed to beg for food, and can eat only if offered. The ultimate aim of any nun is to perform Sallekhana, the self-imposed ritual fasting to the death, which they believe is a triumph over death. Prasannamati Mataji, though expected to be detached from all kinds of association is mourning the death of her friend, another nun, and is now choosing Sallekhana for herself.
Dalrymple also writes about the Devdasis, girls who are dedicated to Hindu temples by families wishing to please the gods. A group that also exists in Nepal in the far west—called Deukis and believed to be more than 30 thousand at present—this practice goes against the rights of women and children. Although laws have been passed here, not much has changed. And according to Dalrymple’s details, the situation of the Devdasis is equally grim in India, with majority of them becoming prostitutes.
Depiction of the dilemmas and struggle of modernity versus continuation of age-old traditions is carried out especially well in the book, particularly the story of Srikanda Stpathy, an idol maker devoted to his calling, concerned that his son—an aspiring computer engineer—will not want to continue the family legacy, as well as that of Mohan Bhopa, a village shaman who recites The Epic of Pabuji, a 600-year-old poem of heroism and honour, who worries that no one remains besides his family “to tell the tales of Pabuji.”
The final chapter is on the bauls of Bengal who “refuse to confirm to the conventions of caste-conscious Bengali society.” These poor minstrels travel from village to village, singing philosophical songs of desire, ecstasy and madness. Their touching accounts can also be applied to the caste bigotry prevalent within Nepali society.
In his introduction to the book, Dalrymple demonstrates his fascination and concern for wandering mystics and holy men, who he says, have been ‘banished from their families and castes, or destroyed by interreligious or political violence’, finding love and acceptance within their own particular groups. In Nine Lives—for which Dalrymple has already received the first Asia House Literary award—he has let the characters tell their own stories, keeping himself neatly tucked in the background, emerging only to give details about historical events and make certain analogies between the East and the West in terms of values and traditions.
For a western audience, the stories in the book would definitely be interesting in all their exoticness, but some are startling even for South Asian readers who are familiar with the cultural eccentricities of the sub-continent. Dalrymple has penetrated into, captured and beautifully presented the nuances of Indian society—many of which don’t even catch the attention of the popular media—to the readers, in the most poetic language, a feat even for an accomplished writer like himself.
Malla is a teacher of Social Work at Kadambari College, Kathmandu
Friday, March 30, 2012
Sunday, December 26, 2010
Rhythm in the air
Yubak Malla
DEC 26, TKP
Like on many other nights, Tapan woke time and again to check his mobile to see whether there was any new message in his inbox.
For the last month or so, Tapan, the late sleeper and late riser, has been waking up early in the morning, and finding himself forced to acknowledge the suspicious glances of his sisters and brothers regarding his newly developed habit—taking an early morning walk, something he had always found boring.
Grumpy as he has always been, Tapan has now started smiling at everyone he meets; without any specific reason. Though he still keeps to himself most of the time, he is happy and walks around humming softly. Through his eyes, life at this point looks bright everywhere.
Tapan first saw Monika some six months ago at his office library, where he had been casually reading a newspaper. He was immediately drawn to her by her smartness, wit and intelligence. For a girl of her age, Monika looked mature and seemed understanding. She was conversant on politics and current affairs, unlike many young girls; she had an opinion on almost everything. Tapan continued to listen to what she had to share in the library whilst turning the pages of the newspaper. When he asked his colleague if he knew the new girl, Tapan came to learn that Monika had joined the office only two days ago as a junior officer in the accounts section.
He saw her in the library, in the same conversant spirit yet another time. Tapan liked everything about Monika—her face, personality, attitude, humility and her caring nature. Her sense of fashion, however, confused him. For a Kathmandu girl, Monika was not that fashionable. He thought that the way she dressed, therefore was more out of personal choice rather than unfamiliarity with the current fashion-trends.
Despite the embarrassment one has to face for showing a liking to a junior staff, Tapan approached Monika with a phone call, but without luck. It was “one of the most embarrassing days of (his) life”, as he later posted on Facebook. After a few days, despite the prevailing awkwardness, Tapan sent her a message, again. Things, however, did not work out positively, and he had no other choice than to lose hope.
Three months later, however, Tapan received a text message from Monika. He was pleasantly surprised, but he did not want to rush ahead with
things, so he decided to take things slow. For the next several days, he only text-messaged her, though he really wanted to speak to her over phone.
As a person in love normally does, Tapan had several mood swings. His days of acute frustration and extreme happiness had begun. But he mostly remained happy. His next Facebook state of mind read: My happiness sees no boundary.
Commenting on his status, Dhiraj, one of his close friends, asked Tapan to stay away from emotional attachment. Dhiraj did not want to see Tapan lovelorn and asked him to mentally prepare himself for physical proximity with the “new girl”. Dhiraj believed getting physical early on in the relationship would hinder emotional attachment and erase the possibility of getting hurt. Loving wholeheartedly, for Dhiraj, was the most foolish thing one could ever do. Tapan never agreed with his friend because he knew that Dhiraj too, was like him, a hardcore romantic on the inside. What he put out for the rest of the world was only a façade.
Tapan had already begun feeling like he was in heaven; his friend’s suggestion meant nothing to him.
He continued dreaming of Monika, even painting a beautiful picture of their future together. He was very content by the thought of spending his life with her.
Though Tapan had always been reserved, never sharing matters of the heart with his siblings, he now felt like telling them the story of his love with Monika. He wanted to tell the whole world that he loved her; he was thankful to God for bestowing upon him with this beautiful feeling.
“I like a witty girl with a beautiful heart.” Tapan used to joke, to which, Monika would give a submissive answer, “Oh really, how do you know that I’m like that?”
The flow of text messages between Tapan and Monika had increased significantly— they used to text each other at night. Tapan had become crazy about Monika, he was certain she was his life.
Tapan was delirious with excitement and at times even made foolish demands and acted stupidly. Once, because he had acted very unreasonably, he had had to spend hours waiting for Monika at Kathmandu Durbar Square. He had become so frustrated that he had to while away his time drinking beer at a nearby restaurant.
Monika showed up soon enough and the two went to a concert. Although Tapan wanted to hide the fact that he had drunk beer from her, he finally asked her, “Do I smell of...? I just took a small drink when you didn’t turn up this afternoon. I want you to know that I drink and smoke, but I don’t eat meat. I’m a vegetarian,” Tapan said it in a single breath in an almost apologetic tone. Shell-shocked, Monika showed her unhappiness with a foreboding silence. For Tapan, her silence meant that she cared for him and he felt happy about it.
One evening, Tapan messaged, “Shall we go for a concert tomorrow at Patan Durbar Square?” As he pressed the send button on his mobile, he smiled for tomorrow’s big day. He thought of how he’d take Monika to a restaurant to celebrate his birthday with her, a day he had never before shared with anyone else, and was looking forward to expressing his feelings for her.
Tapan was wondering if this was going to be a restless night. He was engrossed in the thought of meeting Monika the next day. He looked at the clock hanging on the wall. It was already 10 pm, but his cell phone did not buzz, neither did he receive any call. Tapan got restless; he wrote her another message and asked if everything was all right. Her response suggested that she was in deep trouble that night. As somebody who deeply loved her, Tapan immediately sent her another message. He wanted to find out why she was in such distress.
A message that crashed his beautiful world of dreams soon read from his mobile phone screen. “Frankly speaking, I do have someone special in my life, and I want him to come along for tomorrow’s concert but he says he won’t be able to find the time.”
DEC 26, TKP
Like on many other nights, Tapan woke time and again to check his mobile to see whether there was any new message in his inbox.
For the last month or so, Tapan, the late sleeper and late riser, has been waking up early in the morning, and finding himself forced to acknowledge the suspicious glances of his sisters and brothers regarding his newly developed habit—taking an early morning walk, something he had always found boring.
Grumpy as he has always been, Tapan has now started smiling at everyone he meets; without any specific reason. Though he still keeps to himself most of the time, he is happy and walks around humming softly. Through his eyes, life at this point looks bright everywhere.
Tapan first saw Monika some six months ago at his office library, where he had been casually reading a newspaper. He was immediately drawn to her by her smartness, wit and intelligence. For a girl of her age, Monika looked mature and seemed understanding. She was conversant on politics and current affairs, unlike many young girls; she had an opinion on almost everything. Tapan continued to listen to what she had to share in the library whilst turning the pages of the newspaper. When he asked his colleague if he knew the new girl, Tapan came to learn that Monika had joined the office only two days ago as a junior officer in the accounts section.
He saw her in the library, in the same conversant spirit yet another time. Tapan liked everything about Monika—her face, personality, attitude, humility and her caring nature. Her sense of fashion, however, confused him. For a Kathmandu girl, Monika was not that fashionable. He thought that the way she dressed, therefore was more out of personal choice rather than unfamiliarity with the current fashion-trends.
Despite the embarrassment one has to face for showing a liking to a junior staff, Tapan approached Monika with a phone call, but without luck. It was “one of the most embarrassing days of (his) life”, as he later posted on Facebook. After a few days, despite the prevailing awkwardness, Tapan sent her a message, again. Things, however, did not work out positively, and he had no other choice than to lose hope.
Three months later, however, Tapan received a text message from Monika. He was pleasantly surprised, but he did not want to rush ahead with
things, so he decided to take things slow. For the next several days, he only text-messaged her, though he really wanted to speak to her over phone.
As a person in love normally does, Tapan had several mood swings. His days of acute frustration and extreme happiness had begun. But he mostly remained happy. His next Facebook state of mind read: My happiness sees no boundary.
Commenting on his status, Dhiraj, one of his close friends, asked Tapan to stay away from emotional attachment. Dhiraj did not want to see Tapan lovelorn and asked him to mentally prepare himself for physical proximity with the “new girl”. Dhiraj believed getting physical early on in the relationship would hinder emotional attachment and erase the possibility of getting hurt. Loving wholeheartedly, for Dhiraj, was the most foolish thing one could ever do. Tapan never agreed with his friend because he knew that Dhiraj too, was like him, a hardcore romantic on the inside. What he put out for the rest of the world was only a façade.
Tapan had already begun feeling like he was in heaven; his friend’s suggestion meant nothing to him.
He continued dreaming of Monika, even painting a beautiful picture of their future together. He was very content by the thought of spending his life with her.
Though Tapan had always been reserved, never sharing matters of the heart with his siblings, he now felt like telling them the story of his love with Monika. He wanted to tell the whole world that he loved her; he was thankful to God for bestowing upon him with this beautiful feeling.
“I like a witty girl with a beautiful heart.” Tapan used to joke, to which, Monika would give a submissive answer, “Oh really, how do you know that I’m like that?”
The flow of text messages between Tapan and Monika had increased significantly— they used to text each other at night. Tapan had become crazy about Monika, he was certain she was his life.
Tapan was delirious with excitement and at times even made foolish demands and acted stupidly. Once, because he had acted very unreasonably, he had had to spend hours waiting for Monika at Kathmandu Durbar Square. He had become so frustrated that he had to while away his time drinking beer at a nearby restaurant.
Monika showed up soon enough and the two went to a concert. Although Tapan wanted to hide the fact that he had drunk beer from her, he finally asked her, “Do I smell of...? I just took a small drink when you didn’t turn up this afternoon. I want you to know that I drink and smoke, but I don’t eat meat. I’m a vegetarian,” Tapan said it in a single breath in an almost apologetic tone. Shell-shocked, Monika showed her unhappiness with a foreboding silence. For Tapan, her silence meant that she cared for him and he felt happy about it.
One evening, Tapan messaged, “Shall we go for a concert tomorrow at Patan Durbar Square?” As he pressed the send button on his mobile, he smiled for tomorrow’s big day. He thought of how he’d take Monika to a restaurant to celebrate his birthday with her, a day he had never before shared with anyone else, and was looking forward to expressing his feelings for her.
Tapan was wondering if this was going to be a restless night. He was engrossed in the thought of meeting Monika the next day. He looked at the clock hanging on the wall. It was already 10 pm, but his cell phone did not buzz, neither did he receive any call. Tapan got restless; he wrote her another message and asked if everything was all right. Her response suggested that she was in deep trouble that night. As somebody who deeply loved her, Tapan immediately sent her another message. He wanted to find out why she was in such distress.
A message that crashed his beautiful world of dreams soon read from his mobile phone screen. “Frankly speaking, I do have someone special in my life, and I want him to come along for tomorrow’s concert but he says he won’t be able to find the time.”
Wednesday, September 1, 2010
Stop exporting fighters
KESH B MALLA
Republica Daily, Aug.24
According to historians, Nepali nationals have been working in the British and Indian armies for centuries, especially after the Anglo-Nepal war of 1814-1815. The situation, even today, has not changed much. Rather, some reports suggest that about 50,000 Nepalis are currently working in the Indian Army with more than 115,000 retired soldiers getting pensions. Some 3,700 Gorkhas are with the British Army also.
The charm of joining the Indian and British armies is so high in the villages that many young and talented village youths, some with first division in SLC examinations, now vie for Indian Army jobs, owing to many reasons. One of the major reasons for Nepali youths’ attraction toward foreign army jobs is due to the possibility of making good money and settling down with a decent level of financial security. In present day Nepal, where even the educated face a tough time to find a decent job, it is quite natural for village folks to encourage their sons to try their luck in the Indian Army.
Taking advantage of the situation, some clever minds have found a new way of minting money by promising to provide these young minds with pre-training program to join the Indian and British armies. In the Western hills, I happened to witness hundreds of Nepali youths undergoing physical training at a training camp managed by ex-Indian Army personnel.
Around the world, Gorkhas have attracted a lot of attention with their valor and courage. There are many stories about their fighting spirit. India’s first field marshal, S H F J Manekshaw, preferred calling himself Sam ‘Bahadur’ as a sign of respect for the brave Gorkha soldiers, most of whom came from Nepal. He is once reported to have said that if anyone says he does not fear death, either he’s lying or he is a Gorkha. Even today, one need not be surprised if Nepalis, at the world stage, are known by the mythical-sounding stories of Gorkhas’ bravery and as a birthplace of Gautam Buddha, apart from having the highest peak in the world, Mt Everest.
How long are we going to continue with this slave mentality of sending our Nepali sons to sacrifice their lives for another country’s sovereignty and security in the name of age-old tradition?
Unlike Gorkhas serving in the British army, Gorkhas in the Indian Army are treated at par with Indian soldiers in terms of salary, compensation, facilities and pension, which is good. Besides, Indian government, through its ex-army welfare division, has been helping build roads, water taps and schools in remote areas of Nepal, heavily populated by ex-Indian Army personnel.
Similarly, the remittance coming from Nepalis working in the Indian Army and the pensioners is really big and plays a pivotal role to balance a sluggish Nepali economy. Most importantly, unemployment, one of the most serious problems of Nepal, is being checked because of opportunities that Nepali youths are getting in the Indian Army.
That’s all good, fantastic actually. However, the big ‘but’ is: How long are we going to continue with this slave mentality of sending our Nepali sons to sacrifice their lives for another country’s sovereignty and security in the name of age-old tradition, and due to unequal treaty signed with British India? This might not happen, or should never happen but what if Nepal tomorrow goes to war with its big brother. What will these brave hearts do: Fight for their masters or sacrifice their lives for the motherland?
Those who oppose the idea of closing down recruitment in the foreign army are of the belief that doing so will affect our relationship with India. They further claim that this will lead to anarchy in Nepal due to large-scale unemployment.
That’s true. But we have to find alternatives. We have to face the situation. As a country, we cannot afford to be afraid of the situation arising out of our decision taken for the long-term national interest.
Two years back, when the UCPN (Maoist) raised this issue in their election manifesto, a lot of dissenting voices were heard, as expected, especially from the leaders of ex-Indian Army personnel in Nepal. Many labeled it as a suicidal decision on the part of the Maoists. Subsequently, the Maoists changed their stance out of pressure and said that it was their long-term agenda.
People may point at the dearth of employment opportunities in the country that will, in all likelihood, not change any time soon. It is a fact that millions of Nepalis, because of the absence of employment opportunities at home, have been working in many parts of the world doing odd jobs in really hazardous conditions. However, it’s a completely different thing to work as a laborer in another country and to be working in the national security force of a foreign nation.
Every country once in a while goes through a hard time. In Nepal also, things might go really messy if Gorkha recruitment is stopped. At the height of the Indian independence movement, it is said that the British rulers in India, with malicious motive, used to tell the Indians that they would not be able to run their country themselves. Now, India proudly calls itself the largest democracy in the world. Following their independence, our South Asian neighbors, India and Bangladesh, had to bear the brunt of famine that took the lives of thousands of people. But now, India boasts itself of being the second-largest rice exporter in the world.
The sooner the better! For Nepal to become a fully sovereign state, it must stop sending its people to work for foreign national armies. The job is tough and challenging, involving severe problems inside and outside the country. So, it may not look viable now. But, at least, it’s time we started a debate on it. To carry out such a huge task, the country needs a stable and people-centered government. But, given the present situation, when the country is struggling since more than a month to get a new government, it seems it is too much to be asking for.
Republica Daily, Aug.24
According to historians, Nepali nationals have been working in the British and Indian armies for centuries, especially after the Anglo-Nepal war of 1814-1815. The situation, even today, has not changed much. Rather, some reports suggest that about 50,000 Nepalis are currently working in the Indian Army with more than 115,000 retired soldiers getting pensions. Some 3,700 Gorkhas are with the British Army also.
The charm of joining the Indian and British armies is so high in the villages that many young and talented village youths, some with first division in SLC examinations, now vie for Indian Army jobs, owing to many reasons. One of the major reasons for Nepali youths’ attraction toward foreign army jobs is due to the possibility of making good money and settling down with a decent level of financial security. In present day Nepal, where even the educated face a tough time to find a decent job, it is quite natural for village folks to encourage their sons to try their luck in the Indian Army.
Taking advantage of the situation, some clever minds have found a new way of minting money by promising to provide these young minds with pre-training program to join the Indian and British armies. In the Western hills, I happened to witness hundreds of Nepali youths undergoing physical training at a training camp managed by ex-Indian Army personnel.
Around the world, Gorkhas have attracted a lot of attention with their valor and courage. There are many stories about their fighting spirit. India’s first field marshal, S H F J Manekshaw, preferred calling himself Sam ‘Bahadur’ as a sign of respect for the brave Gorkha soldiers, most of whom came from Nepal. He is once reported to have said that if anyone says he does not fear death, either he’s lying or he is a Gorkha. Even today, one need not be surprised if Nepalis, at the world stage, are known by the mythical-sounding stories of Gorkhas’ bravery and as a birthplace of Gautam Buddha, apart from having the highest peak in the world, Mt Everest.
How long are we going to continue with this slave mentality of sending our Nepali sons to sacrifice their lives for another country’s sovereignty and security in the name of age-old tradition?
Unlike Gorkhas serving in the British army, Gorkhas in the Indian Army are treated at par with Indian soldiers in terms of salary, compensation, facilities and pension, which is good. Besides, Indian government, through its ex-army welfare division, has been helping build roads, water taps and schools in remote areas of Nepal, heavily populated by ex-Indian Army personnel.
Similarly, the remittance coming from Nepalis working in the Indian Army and the pensioners is really big and plays a pivotal role to balance a sluggish Nepali economy. Most importantly, unemployment, one of the most serious problems of Nepal, is being checked because of opportunities that Nepali youths are getting in the Indian Army.
That’s all good, fantastic actually. However, the big ‘but’ is: How long are we going to continue with this slave mentality of sending our Nepali sons to sacrifice their lives for another country’s sovereignty and security in the name of age-old tradition, and due to unequal treaty signed with British India? This might not happen, or should never happen but what if Nepal tomorrow goes to war with its big brother. What will these brave hearts do: Fight for their masters or sacrifice their lives for the motherland?
Those who oppose the idea of closing down recruitment in the foreign army are of the belief that doing so will affect our relationship with India. They further claim that this will lead to anarchy in Nepal due to large-scale unemployment.
That’s true. But we have to find alternatives. We have to face the situation. As a country, we cannot afford to be afraid of the situation arising out of our decision taken for the long-term national interest.
Two years back, when the UCPN (Maoist) raised this issue in their election manifesto, a lot of dissenting voices were heard, as expected, especially from the leaders of ex-Indian Army personnel in Nepal. Many labeled it as a suicidal decision on the part of the Maoists. Subsequently, the Maoists changed their stance out of pressure and said that it was their long-term agenda.
People may point at the dearth of employment opportunities in the country that will, in all likelihood, not change any time soon. It is a fact that millions of Nepalis, because of the absence of employment opportunities at home, have been working in many parts of the world doing odd jobs in really hazardous conditions. However, it’s a completely different thing to work as a laborer in another country and to be working in the national security force of a foreign nation.
Every country once in a while goes through a hard time. In Nepal also, things might go really messy if Gorkha recruitment is stopped. At the height of the Indian independence movement, it is said that the British rulers in India, with malicious motive, used to tell the Indians that they would not be able to run their country themselves. Now, India proudly calls itself the largest democracy in the world. Following their independence, our South Asian neighbors, India and Bangladesh, had to bear the brunt of famine that took the lives of thousands of people. But now, India boasts itself of being the second-largest rice exporter in the world.
The sooner the better! For Nepal to become a fully sovereign state, it must stop sending its people to work for foreign national armies. The job is tough and challenging, involving severe problems inside and outside the country. So, it may not look viable now. But, at least, it’s time we started a debate on it. To carry out such a huge task, the country needs a stable and people-centered government. But, given the present situation, when the country is struggling since more than a month to get a new government, it seems it is too much to be asking for.
Thursday, July 29, 2010
Nepali Muslims in a secular state
KESH B MALLA
July 2, Republica/The Week
With the country declared a secular state in 2006, the religious minorities in Nepal have got a new recognition with national holidays declared on festivals like Eid, Lhosar and Christmas.
But still, the issues of religious minorities don’t seem to hold a prominent place, unlike the much-vaunted indigenous and janjati issues and their rights.
Historians believe that Muslims first came to Nepal from India to work as ammunition experts in the time of King Ratna Malla in the 16th century and settled here. Even King Prithvi Narayan Shah of Gorkha made use of their skills on ammo works. But it was only in 1963 that Nepal’s Muslims were recognized by the state as a separate social group. Now Muslims make about 5% of the total population of Nepal.
Muslims are concentrated in all the three regions of Tarai, Hills, and Himalaya. In the Tarai, the districts of Sunsari, Sarlahi, Rautahat, and Banke have larger Muslim populations, while in the Hills, too, a sizeable number of Muslims are found, particularly in Gorkha, Kaski, Tanahun, Palpa, and Syangja districts. Some have also been living in Himalayan districts of Mugu and Mustang.
Contrary to the so-called violent world image of Muslims generated by westerners’ Muslim phobia, Nepali Muslims are a quiet and peace-loving community. Barring a few religious tensions in the past which were the tragic results of ploys orchestrated by anarchists, the religious harmony and communal solidarity has been well maintained in Nepali society.
One such good example of well-maintained religious solidarity is demonstrated by the people in Rampur Valley of Palpa district, some 70 kms east from Tansen, the district headquarters of Palpa.
Rampur, home to some 20,000 diverse Nepalis of Brahmin, Chhetri, Magar, Newar, Thakuri, Dalits and other caste and ethnic roots, has also a good number of Muslims living there for centuries. There is no written evidence as to how long the valley has hosted its Muslim population. However, elders of the valley say that Muslims have been living there for long. Hari Bahadur Sen, 76, who migrated to the valley 46 years ago from a nearby hill, says, “As far as I know, Muslims were living in the valley before I arrived here. In fact, I knew them living here from the very beginning, even as a child.”
Even the Muslims living in Rampur Valley don’t have much knowledge about their first arrival there. Irshad Sheikh, a teacher, calculates the statistics of two to three Muslim deaths every year, and the deceased being buried in a nearby 65-ropani graveyard which is half filled now. Thereby, he guesses that the cemetery may suggest the Muslim settlement in Rampur to be not less than 300 years old. Some even claim that Muslims could one of the oldest inhabitants of the valley.
“Rampur is certainly the largest Muslim settlement in Palpa, with approximately 70 households and 700 people,” Mohammed Ismail, a local resident, says, “The other larger Muslim settlements in the Hills are in Tanahun and Gorkha districts.”
Another man opines that Muslims might have come here first during the India-Pakistan Partition of 1947, while others think they settled in Rampur on their way to India while returning from Gorkha after having done armory works there.
The Muslim community in Rampur is comparatively well to do, with more than 80% of its youths opting to go on foreign employment, especially to the Gulf countries. Another good percentage of the population is in local business. However, according to Khurshid, a student of Tribhuvan University at Kirtipur, there is hardly anyone who has joined government services, if we leave aside three schoolteachers teaching in local schools and a health worker. There is not even a single person who has joined the Nepal Army and the Police.
“But some Muslims were quite active in local politics, like Maqbul Miyan, who once was a vice-chairperson of the Darchha VDC of Rampur Valley,” says Nil Saru, a local chartered accountant.
“In terms of education and women’s empowerment, the community fares on average,” says Shekh Ayub, manager of the Madhur Sandesh monthly.
“There’s a madrasa (a school) that’s approved by the Ministry of Education, but it hasn’t yet received any financial support from the government. The two mosques the community has also haven’t received any official support till now.”
Still, people don’t seem to complain much, though they would be glad if the government provided them even a minimum support. The community believes largely in themselves than to wait for state support to come.
This can be proven by the initiative of a group of men who, while working in the Gulf, send back money collectively to the village in order to help in their cause.
“So far, individual scholarship has been provided to 13 orphans with money sent in by the migrants from the village,” Hamid, a local resident, says.
Besides, there is something special about the community that other groups can also follow: People in Rampur help each other in times of difficulty. Especially, they pool money to celebrate festivals like Eid, when the rich help the poor in the celebrations.
Though the poor status of women’s empowerment is an overall scenario of the whole country, Muslim women’s participation in politics and decision-making in Rampur is comparatively lesser than the other communities. But it seems the winds of change are slowly being felt even in Rampur. A few years ago, the women there founded their group, carrying the vision of working for women’s empowerment and eradicating social evils. Similarly, the youths have formed a youth club, Islamic Youth Society, which often organizes sports and other social and cultural events.
The Muslims of Rampur are quite similar to Pahadis in terms of language, appearance, and costumes. They claim that their culture is very much mixed with Pahadi ambience. Over time, they adopted typical Pahadi norms in clothes, language and cultural patterns, though not leaving their religious customs. Interestingly, it is common to see Muslim men going around in typical Nepali daura suruwal and Dhaka topi ensemble, some of them can even be seen coming for Namaaz, clad in such attires.
At the national level, to showcase the collective views of the Muslims in Nepal, the National Muslim Forum was formed in 2004, and it believes that Muslim identity can best be protected in line with the existence of statehood. The Forum is for a collective Nepali Muslim identity, and focuses, at national level, on the welfare and protection of the Muslim identity in Nepal.
July 2, Republica/The Week
With the country declared a secular state in 2006, the religious minorities in Nepal have got a new recognition with national holidays declared on festivals like Eid, Lhosar and Christmas.
But still, the issues of religious minorities don’t seem to hold a prominent place, unlike the much-vaunted indigenous and janjati issues and their rights.
Historians believe that Muslims first came to Nepal from India to work as ammunition experts in the time of King Ratna Malla in the 16th century and settled here. Even King Prithvi Narayan Shah of Gorkha made use of their skills on ammo works. But it was only in 1963 that Nepal’s Muslims were recognized by the state as a separate social group. Now Muslims make about 5% of the total population of Nepal.
Muslims are concentrated in all the three regions of Tarai, Hills, and Himalaya. In the Tarai, the districts of Sunsari, Sarlahi, Rautahat, and Banke have larger Muslim populations, while in the Hills, too, a sizeable number of Muslims are found, particularly in Gorkha, Kaski, Tanahun, Palpa, and Syangja districts. Some have also been living in Himalayan districts of Mugu and Mustang.
Contrary to the so-called violent world image of Muslims generated by westerners’ Muslim phobia, Nepali Muslims are a quiet and peace-loving community. Barring a few religious tensions in the past which were the tragic results of ploys orchestrated by anarchists, the religious harmony and communal solidarity has been well maintained in Nepali society.
One such good example of well-maintained religious solidarity is demonstrated by the people in Rampur Valley of Palpa district, some 70 kms east from Tansen, the district headquarters of Palpa.
Rampur, home to some 20,000 diverse Nepalis of Brahmin, Chhetri, Magar, Newar, Thakuri, Dalits and other caste and ethnic roots, has also a good number of Muslims living there for centuries. There is no written evidence as to how long the valley has hosted its Muslim population. However, elders of the valley say that Muslims have been living there for long. Hari Bahadur Sen, 76, who migrated to the valley 46 years ago from a nearby hill, says, “As far as I know, Muslims were living in the valley before I arrived here. In fact, I knew them living here from the very beginning, even as a child.”
Even the Muslims living in Rampur Valley don’t have much knowledge about their first arrival there. Irshad Sheikh, a teacher, calculates the statistics of two to three Muslim deaths every year, and the deceased being buried in a nearby 65-ropani graveyard which is half filled now. Thereby, he guesses that the cemetery may suggest the Muslim settlement in Rampur to be not less than 300 years old. Some even claim that Muslims could one of the oldest inhabitants of the valley.
“Rampur is certainly the largest Muslim settlement in Palpa, with approximately 70 households and 700 people,” Mohammed Ismail, a local resident, says, “The other larger Muslim settlements in the Hills are in Tanahun and Gorkha districts.”
Another man opines that Muslims might have come here first during the India-Pakistan Partition of 1947, while others think they settled in Rampur on their way to India while returning from Gorkha after having done armory works there.
The Muslim community in Rampur is comparatively well to do, with more than 80% of its youths opting to go on foreign employment, especially to the Gulf countries. Another good percentage of the population is in local business. However, according to Khurshid, a student of Tribhuvan University at Kirtipur, there is hardly anyone who has joined government services, if we leave aside three schoolteachers teaching in local schools and a health worker. There is not even a single person who has joined the Nepal Army and the Police.
“But some Muslims were quite active in local politics, like Maqbul Miyan, who once was a vice-chairperson of the Darchha VDC of Rampur Valley,” says Nil Saru, a local chartered accountant.
“In terms of education and women’s empowerment, the community fares on average,” says Shekh Ayub, manager of the Madhur Sandesh monthly.
“There’s a madrasa (a school) that’s approved by the Ministry of Education, but it hasn’t yet received any financial support from the government. The two mosques the community has also haven’t received any official support till now.”
Still, people don’t seem to complain much, though they would be glad if the government provided them even a minimum support. The community believes largely in themselves than to wait for state support to come.
This can be proven by the initiative of a group of men who, while working in the Gulf, send back money collectively to the village in order to help in their cause.
“So far, individual scholarship has been provided to 13 orphans with money sent in by the migrants from the village,” Hamid, a local resident, says.
Besides, there is something special about the community that other groups can also follow: People in Rampur help each other in times of difficulty. Especially, they pool money to celebrate festivals like Eid, when the rich help the poor in the celebrations.
Though the poor status of women’s empowerment is an overall scenario of the whole country, Muslim women’s participation in politics and decision-making in Rampur is comparatively lesser than the other communities. But it seems the winds of change are slowly being felt even in Rampur. A few years ago, the women there founded their group, carrying the vision of working for women’s empowerment and eradicating social evils. Similarly, the youths have formed a youth club, Islamic Youth Society, which often organizes sports and other social and cultural events.
The Muslims of Rampur are quite similar to Pahadis in terms of language, appearance, and costumes. They claim that their culture is very much mixed with Pahadi ambience. Over time, they adopted typical Pahadi norms in clothes, language and cultural patterns, though not leaving their religious customs. Interestingly, it is common to see Muslim men going around in typical Nepali daura suruwal and Dhaka topi ensemble, some of them can even be seen coming for Namaaz, clad in such attires.
At the national level, to showcase the collective views of the Muslims in Nepal, the National Muslim Forum was formed in 2004, and it believes that Muslim identity can best be protected in line with the existence of statehood. The Forum is for a collective Nepali Muslim identity, and focuses, at national level, on the welfare and protection of the Muslim identity in Nepal.
Friday, May 28, 2010
Captivating Pooja
KESH B MALLA
TKP, Mar.24, 10
If you’re someone who’s always complaining that Nepali films are not original , Pooja, written and directed by Deepak Rauniyar of Chaukaith (Threshold) fame, could be a good way to change your mind.
Pooja is the story of an early marriage between a 17-year-old Thakuri girl, Pooja (played by newcomer Priyansha Singh Thakuri) who falls in love and gets married with Rumihang, a Rai boy of a similar age played by Aaditya Gurung amid discontent and disapproval of their families. Pooja and Rumy are deeply in love and happily married, but Rumy has to leave Pooja back home with his mother to go to Hong Kong for work. Pooja is pregnant, and because she was married at an early age, she does not understand the need of the necessary care required.
The beauty of the film lies in its fine presentation of a story that is part of the lives of many women across Nepal. Apart from the crisp editing, natural performances by new actors Priyansha and Aaditya hold the film together, making it a fitting reflection of contemporary Nepali society.
The film starts with a heart-wrenching funeral, which is able to arouse emotions from the very first moment itself; but the movie ends with a seemingly happy scene where a father is shown carrying his child on his back and planting a banana tree—showing how the world must continue despite its adversities.
Produced by the BBC World Service Trust Nepal, the 60-minute film tries to address the issues of early marriage and pregnancy at an early age, and maternal health. The film also portrays the social conditions of inter-caste marriage and gender bias in child rearing practices across Nepal, without mentioning it explicitly.
Though originally intended for a social cause, unlike many other development oriented docu- dramas, Pooja entertains the viewers to the fullest with a beautifully woven teenage love story and use of typical and informal tone in the language. The movie has both serious and hilarious moments, which keep the viewers engaged throughout the length of the film.
Shot in the inner Tarai, the cinematography by Jyotikeshar Singh is quite enthralling, with Kutumba’s music providing a perfect background score to the film.
Pooja is a must watch for anyone who thinks Nepali films are a waste of time.
KESH B MALLA
TKP, Mar.24, 10
If you’re someone who’s always complaining that Nepali films are not original , Pooja, written and directed by Deepak Rauniyar of Chaukaith (Threshold) fame, could be a good way to change your mind.
Pooja is the story of an early marriage between a 17-year-old Thakuri girl, Pooja (played by newcomer Priyansha Singh Thakuri) who falls in love and gets married with Rumihang, a Rai boy of a similar age played by Aaditya Gurung amid discontent and disapproval of their families. Pooja and Rumy are deeply in love and happily married, but Rumy has to leave Pooja back home with his mother to go to Hong Kong for work. Pooja is pregnant, and because she was married at an early age, she does not understand the need of the necessary care required.
The beauty of the film lies in its fine presentation of a story that is part of the lives of many women across Nepal. Apart from the crisp editing, natural performances by new actors Priyansha and Aaditya hold the film together, making it a fitting reflection of contemporary Nepali society.
The film starts with a heart-wrenching funeral, which is able to arouse emotions from the very first moment itself; but the movie ends with a seemingly happy scene where a father is shown carrying his child on his back and planting a banana tree—showing how the world must continue despite its adversities.
Produced by the BBC World Service Trust Nepal, the 60-minute film tries to address the issues of early marriage and pregnancy at an early age, and maternal health. The film also portrays the social conditions of inter-caste marriage and gender bias in child rearing practices across Nepal, without mentioning it explicitly.
Though originally intended for a social cause, unlike many other development oriented docu- dramas, Pooja entertains the viewers to the fullest with a beautifully woven teenage love story and use of typical and informal tone in the language. The movie has both serious and hilarious moments, which keep the viewers engaged throughout the length of the film.
Shot in the inner Tarai, the cinematography by Jyotikeshar Singh is quite enthralling, with Kutumba’s music providing a perfect background score to the film.
Pooja is a must watch for anyone who thinks Nepali films are a waste of time.
Wednesday, February 3, 2010
Heroes of the economy
Kesh B Malla and Jeevan Karki
OCT 26 - Labour migration in Nepal has been a historical phenomenon since time immemorial. Migration to neighbouring India has a longstanding history, and movement to the Gulf commenced about 20 years ago. Due to poverty, unemployment, declining natural resources and displacement by natural disasters and war (e.g., the Maoist insurgency), labour out-migration has become an increasingly significant and major livelihood strategy in Nepal. The remittances sent home by the labour migrants contribute 20 percent to the GDP. Most importantly, the money sent back reach the poorest of the poor directly. A recent Human Development Report of UNDP has also noted that remittances have played a key role in improving Nepal’s Human Development Index (HDI) even during the insurgency.
Despite being a pillar of Nepal’s economy, the migrants have to endure much humiliation and face lots of hurdles and difficulties both at home and abroad. At home, the labour migration process itself is a big headache and source of irritation, thanks to a number of fraudulent cases perpetrated by manpower agents. Potential migrants have to wait for almost a year just to fly out even after having paid the said amount, which is often very high and has been borrowed from the village landlords or moneylenders at a high rate of interest.
“I just want to fly. I would at least have the experience of flying,” a migrant worker, frustrated and fed up by the time consuming pre-departure process, said with angst. Similarly, migrant workers are not given adequate or actual pre-departure information about the nature of the job, the salary and benefits they would be receiving, the money transaction procedure and the customs, culture, law and so forth of the host country.
Upon reaching the employment destination, the workers may face a series of troubles right from the clash of expectations versus the reality. Their physical and mental health worsens due to poor living conditions, filthy prison-like camps and the pressure to repay the loan at home. Needless to mention that there is a high health and safety risk at the workplace. On the other hand, there is no or limited health facility at work; and treatment at desired hospitals at one’s own expense is very pricey, often unaffordable.
Likewise, migrant workers become “bonded labour” in most cases, as their passport is held by the employer, which is contrary to the country’s own labour legislation. If the workers are found to be involved in any kind of objectionable act, they are immediately deported to their home countries without being given a single chance to defend themselves. Moreover, some workers are paid much less than they have been promised by agents in Nepal; and they do not return home for years because they have nothing to bring back except their memories of pain, despair and tears. Women face more problems than men in the Gulf due to their illegal or unofficial out-migration, which makes it difficult for them to seek help from the Nepali authorities in times of trouble.
The heroes of the Nepali economy deserve better treatment and respect, at least in their country if not in the host countries. To make the labour migration process easier, the government should give it a re-look and make it safer and more economic. The government should also work to impart vocational training programmes so that Nepali migrant workers will no longer be treated as slaves to build monuments as Ghaith Abdul-Ahad has written in an article entitled “We need slaves to build monuments” published in The Guardian of Oct. 8, 2008.
On the international front, the Nepal government can send a good message by signing and ratifying the UN Migrant Workers Convention, which may pave the way for the protection of migrant workers’ rights abroad. The Nepal government’s recent decision to post labour attachés in four countries with heavy Nepali populations is a praiseworthy act. More such labour attachés should immediately be appointed to other countries as mentioned in the Foreign Employment Act 2064 which requires that a labour attaché be appointed in countries having more than 5,000 Nepali migrants.
Also, there is a need and opportunity for Non-Resident Nepali Associations to work together with Nepali embassies and other organizations as they have vowed at their recently held global conference in Kathmandu. It is appreciative that the Nepali media in recent times has been giving a good amount of attention to foreign employment issues. However, there is still room for I/NGOs to work on labour migration issues that may include raising awareness about foreign employment, skill development and remittance management through entrepreneurship development to ensure sustainable livelihoods for the families of rural migrants. Lastly, the government, civil society and other concerned authorities must work hand in hand to make labour migration more effective and safeguard the workers’ rights in and outside the country.
OCT 26 - Labour migration in Nepal has been a historical phenomenon since time immemorial. Migration to neighbouring India has a longstanding history, and movement to the Gulf commenced about 20 years ago. Due to poverty, unemployment, declining natural resources and displacement by natural disasters and war (e.g., the Maoist insurgency), labour out-migration has become an increasingly significant and major livelihood strategy in Nepal. The remittances sent home by the labour migrants contribute 20 percent to the GDP. Most importantly, the money sent back reach the poorest of the poor directly. A recent Human Development Report of UNDP has also noted that remittances have played a key role in improving Nepal’s Human Development Index (HDI) even during the insurgency.
Despite being a pillar of Nepal’s economy, the migrants have to endure much humiliation and face lots of hurdles and difficulties both at home and abroad. At home, the labour migration process itself is a big headache and source of irritation, thanks to a number of fraudulent cases perpetrated by manpower agents. Potential migrants have to wait for almost a year just to fly out even after having paid the said amount, which is often very high and has been borrowed from the village landlords or moneylenders at a high rate of interest.
“I just want to fly. I would at least have the experience of flying,” a migrant worker, frustrated and fed up by the time consuming pre-departure process, said with angst. Similarly, migrant workers are not given adequate or actual pre-departure information about the nature of the job, the salary and benefits they would be receiving, the money transaction procedure and the customs, culture, law and so forth of the host country.
Upon reaching the employment destination, the workers may face a series of troubles right from the clash of expectations versus the reality. Their physical and mental health worsens due to poor living conditions, filthy prison-like camps and the pressure to repay the loan at home. Needless to mention that there is a high health and safety risk at the workplace. On the other hand, there is no or limited health facility at work; and treatment at desired hospitals at one’s own expense is very pricey, often unaffordable.
Likewise, migrant workers become “bonded labour” in most cases, as their passport is held by the employer, which is contrary to the country’s own labour legislation. If the workers are found to be involved in any kind of objectionable act, they are immediately deported to their home countries without being given a single chance to defend themselves. Moreover, some workers are paid much less than they have been promised by agents in Nepal; and they do not return home for years because they have nothing to bring back except their memories of pain, despair and tears. Women face more problems than men in the Gulf due to their illegal or unofficial out-migration, which makes it difficult for them to seek help from the Nepali authorities in times of trouble.
The heroes of the Nepali economy deserve better treatment and respect, at least in their country if not in the host countries. To make the labour migration process easier, the government should give it a re-look and make it safer and more economic. The government should also work to impart vocational training programmes so that Nepali migrant workers will no longer be treated as slaves to build monuments as Ghaith Abdul-Ahad has written in an article entitled “We need slaves to build monuments” published in The Guardian of Oct. 8, 2008.
On the international front, the Nepal government can send a good message by signing and ratifying the UN Migrant Workers Convention, which may pave the way for the protection of migrant workers’ rights abroad. The Nepal government’s recent decision to post labour attachés in four countries with heavy Nepali populations is a praiseworthy act. More such labour attachés should immediately be appointed to other countries as mentioned in the Foreign Employment Act 2064 which requires that a labour attaché be appointed in countries having more than 5,000 Nepali migrants.
Also, there is a need and opportunity for Non-Resident Nepali Associations to work together with Nepali embassies and other organizations as they have vowed at their recently held global conference in Kathmandu. It is appreciative that the Nepali media in recent times has been giving a good amount of attention to foreign employment issues. However, there is still room for I/NGOs to work on labour migration issues that may include raising awareness about foreign employment, skill development and remittance management through entrepreneurship development to ensure sustainable livelihoods for the families of rural migrants. Lastly, the government, civil society and other concerned authorities must work hand in hand to make labour migration more effective and safeguard the workers’ rights in and outside the country.
People on the move
Jeevan Karki and Kesh B Malla
DEC 12, TKP - International labour migration from Nepal has a longstanding history, and it has become a growing phenomenon in recent years. Migration to the Gulf is a relatively new trend which commenced about two decades ago. The exodus to India, however, goes back a long way. The movement to India where a large population of Nepali migrant workers resides is undocumented due to the open border between the two countries. Migration to foreign countries is growing faster than before whatever could be the cause — political instability, conflict, natural disasters, unemployment or poverty. About 80-90 percent of the households in the Far Western Development Region have at least one male member residing outside the country, mostly in India, as a migrant worker.
The labour migration, which has also played a key role in improving Nepal’s human development index (HDI), is an increasingly important livelihood strategy of the country. Despite the fact that the remittance sent home by Nepali labour migrants has improved the living standards of their families and contributed to the national economy (about 20 percent of GDP), HIV/AIDS has become a key and crucial issue.
According to studies, high rates of HIV are found among migrant workers. In Nepal, over 70,000 adults (15-49 years of age) are estimated to be living with the HIV virus. Labour migrants make up about 40 percent of the total known HIV infections followed by clients of sex workers and injecting drug users. Nepali migrant workers, especially in the Far Western Development Region, returned from India have a high prevalence of HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted infections. Since the disease has spread to various places of Nepal through returnees from cities in India, particularly Bombay (now Mumbai), the disease is also called “Bombaiya rog” in some districts. The disease has already impacted the hundreds of migrant workers and their families. Therefore, labour migration that is being considered a boon to the national economy and poverty reduction could turn into a bane in terms of its long-term economic implications for the country.
As most of the migrant workers are illiterate and unaware of HIV/AIDS, the disease is spreading fast through this group. Many migrant men workers visit brothels during their stay abroad, and having multiple sex partners and lack of condom use puts them at risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases and HIV. A large proportion of migrant men workers who purchase sex are also married. They carry HIV back to their homes and transmit it to their innocent wives in the village. In west Nepal, HIV and AIDS, mostly spread through migration, has already become a big challenge to the development of the region.
There are multiple consequences when a migrant worker gets infected with HIV and AIDS. First, there is a very high probability that he will infect his wife. The rising figure of HIV-infected housewives in far west Nepal justifies this notion. The infected migrant worker’s family faces a financial crisis as he is sent back with little compensation or no consideration as soon as he is found to be HIV positive. On the other hand, expenditure on treatment increases significantly. People living with HIV and AIDS (PLHA) are being discriminated against and stigmatised severely in society. Not only him, his wife and children are also treated in the same way.
The consequences of AIDS spreading among the migrants will be much bigger than imagined, much higher than the income being made. Therefore, it is high time that a strong initiative is launched to prevent HIV and AIDS among migrant workers. Effective migrant-focused intervention is necessary with a special emphasis on the Far Western Region. Labour migrants should have access to information, education and communication materials regularly and easily.
In high out-migration districts, a mechanism may be developed at the village development committees (VDCs) to give information on HIV and AIDS before the jobseekers leave home and after their return. The district development committee, the VDCs and I/NGOs can collaborate in this endeavour. Programmes must go beyond targeting migrant men at their places of origin within Nepal. Therefore, the government of Nepal and I/NGOs should partner with like-minded organisations working with Nepali migrants abroad such as in the cities of India. Men and women need to be made aware of HIV and AIDS, and women need to be further empowered.
Thanks are due to a number of I/NGOs and government bodies that have been actively and consciously involved in raising awareness in the communities, providing treatment to PLHAs and helping the affected families. Nevertheless, they should extend their target geographical area to serve a larger population. And a long-term commitment is required from the I/NGO sector. Since labour migration is required to boost economic activities, a practical and strong strategy must be prepared to generate awareness among these workers. The country should also care for the migrant workers, not only their remittance!
DEC 12, TKP - International labour migration from Nepal has a longstanding history, and it has become a growing phenomenon in recent years. Migration to the Gulf is a relatively new trend which commenced about two decades ago. The exodus to India, however, goes back a long way. The movement to India where a large population of Nepali migrant workers resides is undocumented due to the open border between the two countries. Migration to foreign countries is growing faster than before whatever could be the cause — political instability, conflict, natural disasters, unemployment or poverty. About 80-90 percent of the households in the Far Western Development Region have at least one male member residing outside the country, mostly in India, as a migrant worker.
The labour migration, which has also played a key role in improving Nepal’s human development index (HDI), is an increasingly important livelihood strategy of the country. Despite the fact that the remittance sent home by Nepali labour migrants has improved the living standards of their families and contributed to the national economy (about 20 percent of GDP), HIV/AIDS has become a key and crucial issue.
According to studies, high rates of HIV are found among migrant workers. In Nepal, over 70,000 adults (15-49 years of age) are estimated to be living with the HIV virus. Labour migrants make up about 40 percent of the total known HIV infections followed by clients of sex workers and injecting drug users. Nepali migrant workers, especially in the Far Western Development Region, returned from India have a high prevalence of HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted infections. Since the disease has spread to various places of Nepal through returnees from cities in India, particularly Bombay (now Mumbai), the disease is also called “Bombaiya rog” in some districts. The disease has already impacted the hundreds of migrant workers and their families. Therefore, labour migration that is being considered a boon to the national economy and poverty reduction could turn into a bane in terms of its long-term economic implications for the country.
As most of the migrant workers are illiterate and unaware of HIV/AIDS, the disease is spreading fast through this group. Many migrant men workers visit brothels during their stay abroad, and having multiple sex partners and lack of condom use puts them at risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases and HIV. A large proportion of migrant men workers who purchase sex are also married. They carry HIV back to their homes and transmit it to their innocent wives in the village. In west Nepal, HIV and AIDS, mostly spread through migration, has already become a big challenge to the development of the region.
There are multiple consequences when a migrant worker gets infected with HIV and AIDS. First, there is a very high probability that he will infect his wife. The rising figure of HIV-infected housewives in far west Nepal justifies this notion. The infected migrant worker’s family faces a financial crisis as he is sent back with little compensation or no consideration as soon as he is found to be HIV positive. On the other hand, expenditure on treatment increases significantly. People living with HIV and AIDS (PLHA) are being discriminated against and stigmatised severely in society. Not only him, his wife and children are also treated in the same way.
The consequences of AIDS spreading among the migrants will be much bigger than imagined, much higher than the income being made. Therefore, it is high time that a strong initiative is launched to prevent HIV and AIDS among migrant workers. Effective migrant-focused intervention is necessary with a special emphasis on the Far Western Region. Labour migrants should have access to information, education and communication materials regularly and easily.
In high out-migration districts, a mechanism may be developed at the village development committees (VDCs) to give information on HIV and AIDS before the jobseekers leave home and after their return. The district development committee, the VDCs and I/NGOs can collaborate in this endeavour. Programmes must go beyond targeting migrant men at their places of origin within Nepal. Therefore, the government of Nepal and I/NGOs should partner with like-minded organisations working with Nepali migrants abroad such as in the cities of India. Men and women need to be made aware of HIV and AIDS, and women need to be further empowered.
Thanks are due to a number of I/NGOs and government bodies that have been actively and consciously involved in raising awareness in the communities, providing treatment to PLHAs and helping the affected families. Nevertheless, they should extend their target geographical area to serve a larger population. And a long-term commitment is required from the I/NGO sector. Since labour migration is required to boost economic activities, a practical and strong strategy must be prepared to generate awareness among these workers. The country should also care for the migrant workers, not only their remittance!
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