Kesh B Malla
The Rising Nepal,11/04/09
The vast majority of Nepali migrant workers, who have been the backbone of the Nepali economy for long, are having to go through a lot of pressure in the host countries due to several seen and unseen reasons. Left with few options in their home country, ravaged by a decade-long Maoist insurgency, they are willing to go abroad for whatever opportunities that are available.
In the hope of making some money, some of them choose to become migrant workers in the Gulf countries, after paying hefty sums of money to the manpower agents. Upon reaching the host country, they are already under pressure to pay back the loan.
Poor living conditions
The pressure is further compounded by the poor living conditions in the company’s accommodation, which is a big shock for them. Furthermore, many of them do not get the jobs promised in Kathmandu by the agents, which may compel some of them to leave the company and work as illegal workers, khallibali in the local term. People working as illegal migrants must face a lot of challenges and hardships, which are quite obvious.
But there are problems even for those who choose to work in the very company they are sent to. Adjustment problems due to adverse working and poor living conditions, a difficult lifestyle, loans to pay back, expectations from family members and shattered dreams cause frustration, anxiety and depression among many migrant workers. This leads to poor physical and mental health conditions. As a result, they are prone to becoming alcoholics. In severe cases, the depressed workers could resort to suicide.
This has been proved by the rising number of suicide cases among the workers in the Gulf. But in times of difficulty, these poor workers have nowhere to go or noone to lean on to share their problems. Some companies which have welfare departments provide counseling facilities. But such practices are rare, in general.
Besides, most Gulf countries follow strict and labour-unfriendly policies that aggravate the problem. If something goes wrong, the people are immediately deported. Nepali embassies in the region may be working in their own ways, but they cannot reach out to the people easily for many reasons. At times of difficulty, some Nepali societies act as the only source of help. But again, these societies cannot fight a legal battle due to their unofficial and informal status.
For many more years to come, it is likely that Nepal will have to depend on remittances. So, it cannot simply ignore the problems of Nepali migrant workers. The issue has to be dealt with at two levels: one in Nepal and the other in the host country.
To begin with, awareness among the masses is a must in Nepal. A message should reach out to the people that there are many companies that do not charge large sums of money. Many countries give out free visas. So whatever money they are paying is really going into the hands of manpower agents.
Also, the Nepal government should play a strict role, especially in curbing the activities of the manpower agencies. The government should be strong enough to make the foreign employment procedure simple. In the present system, even the educated can be easily cheated by the agents, forget about the village people who are first timers in Kathmandu.
Opening a separate foreign employment department under the Ministry of Labour is a welcome act of the government. But that alone will not work. Its effectiveness will depend largely on the activity of the department.
With regard to the manpower agencies, the government can develop a mechanism through which the manpower agencies can be rated according to the services they provide, because there are several manpower agencies with good service records.
Labour contracts
At the host country level, signing labour contracts with those countries that have large Nepali populations, setting minimum wage standards and introducing a counselor or a welfare officer at the embassy to deal with the emotional aspects of the migrant workers and a legal officer to deal with legal cases can contribute positively in the long run. The Nepal government’s recent decision to open labour attaches in four countries with large Nepali populations is an appreciative act.
Sunday, April 12, 2009
Monday, March 30, 2009
NGOs as knowledge producers
Pratyoush Onta
TKP, 29/03/09
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have been defined variously in the academic literature and by practitioners. Ten years ago, in an article published in the journal World Development, A. Vakil defined NGOs as “self-governing, private, not-for-profit organizations that are geared to improving the quality of life for disadvantaged people”. This is the kind of definition of NGOs one is likely to encounter in the development literature. For my purposes here, some parts of this definition are fine while others unnecessarily restrict the domain of NGOs.
I do think of NGOs as self-governing, not-for-profit entities. However, I do not think NGOs should necessarily be defined as “geared to improving the quality of life for disadvantaged people.” Instead, I think of them as entities created by individuals who, exercising their fundamental right to form organizations, have come together to pursue some shared interest. It could be an interest to pursue some hobby with little potential for generating public good or it could be an academic interest with a potential for a large public good. This broader definition is especially significant for state-dominated societies such as the one in Nepal where the constitutionally protected right to form organizations to pursue one's interests -- no matter how weird, insignificant or important -- has a very short history. This broader definition makes NGOs interesting to a set larger than those in the development business. Defined this way, NGOs become a part of the story of the history of democratic transitions.
Having defined NGOs in this broad manner, let us now look at the working definition of 'knowledge' as used here. Without being caught up in philosophical discussions, I use the term here to refer to, in a very general sense, what is known from cumulative societal practice. I recognize that when defined so broadly, some people might say that knowledge is everywhere and everyone is a knowledge producer. They might add that any definition of knowledge useful for analytic purposes must come with some specificities: e.g. some form of specificity might be required in terms of its institutional sources of production (often through a process called research), techniques of its organization and dissemination through peer-reviewed books and journals, modes of pedagogy or forms of reproduction through print or other means.
From the vantage point of the modern universities and colleges engaged in research and teaching, say in the US, these specificities matter because they are the stuff of both disciplinary legitimacy and management, and the academic job market has been designed to pick up the corresponding signals. However, if we recognize the modern university as only one site -- a dominant one, no doubt -- in the landscape of the knowledge enterprise and disciplinary practices as only one form of cultural organization of knowledge production and reproduction, then it becomes obvious why we might begin with a more general definition of knowledge. Such a broad definition allows analysts to recognize that there are other institutional sites of knowledge production in the landscape, and prepares the ground for critical engagement.
When knowledge is defined thus, it becomes easy to see why a substantial number of NGOs in the global south are a part of the knowledge enterprise. This is so simply because, in the course of their work, they produce knowledge of various kind, quality and utility. Within this set of NGOs, many apply the knowledge they produce directly back into their work without bothering to document that knowledge in print, visual or hybrid media. Nevertheless, through practice, they help enhance the repertoire of knowledge in the societies where they work.
A smaller subset of other NGOs, however, produces such documentation without pretending to be in competition with universities, research centres or policy think-tanks. They engage in such practice mainly for three reasons. First, to provide evidence based on which they can design their advocacy work. Second, to enhance the visibility of their organizations. And third -- and this applies more for NGOs with a built-in culture of self-reflection regarding their work -- they recognize that documentation is essential not only to the effectiveness of their own practice, but also very useful to other practitioners-at-large who desire to learn from each other
And finally there is a tiny subset of NGOs that not only document knowledge but also produce academically engaging articles, reports, edited volumes, journals and monographs. These academic NGOs, often managed by academics whose knowledge and research skills have been credentialed by universities that also generate the faculty members who teach at traditional universities, make explicit claims to being knowledge producers, consolidators and distributors. In other words, through tangible end-products that are made public following very rigorous evaluation protocols that match those used by university-based academics and presses, these NGOs make claims to producing theoretically informed and contextually rich knowledge. Often lacking the social legitimacy of traditional universities or the financial certainty of state-supported academies (pragya pratisthans in our case) or research centers, these academic NGOs overcome their legitimacy deficit and financial uncertainty through persistent commitment to pursue excellence. In so doing, they have proven that they are serious institutional sites to reckon with as far as the global knowledge enterprise is concerned.
Why bother about NGOs in their knowledge production capacity? First, in what I have read of the published literature on NGOs, I have not seen much discussion regarding this aspect of NGO existence. Perhaps I have not looked at the right places (in that case, I would appreciate guidance). However, if I am right, the absence of attention to NGOs as knowledge producers is a result of how the development imperative forces us to focus on service delivery of the immediate relief mode and prevents us from looking at the agency of NGOs in the broader social canvas.
Second, since they constitute an important site in the landscape of the knowledge enterprise, NGOs should be a subject of critical public discussion. Their work needs to be elaborated and scrutinized in the manner similar to those in which analysts have looked at other institutions in the same landscape, namely, universities, academies, media, etc. Such a scrutiny is also a preliminary exercise in comparative thinking about the relationships between various types of knowledge production/producers and local and translocal efforts to democratize societies.
Third, at this juncture in Nepali politics, there are additional reasons to pay attention to NGOs as knowledge producers. After the new constitution is written and adopted and Nepal completes the journey from being a one-time unitary kingdom to a fully federal republic, it will still be the thousands of small effective practices backed by the resources of relatively more progressive federal units and a facilitating centre that will make Nepali society democratic. In other words, the new constitution by itself, will not be the magic wand that will deliver us a fully formed 'new' Nepal. In all sectors of society, many intermediate agents will be key to this transformation. Among them for sure will be NGOs in their knowledge production avatars (along with educational institutions, media, the private sector and so on).
Fourth, the political formation that is leading us through this transition, the Maoists, is long on revolutionary rhetoric and short on hands-on knowledge of everyday practices that will make our transformation a real one. The party leaders might want to acknowledge that accepting a pluralistic polity means that their articles of faith are not necessarily the last truths for everyone in our society. They might want to put aside their knee-jerk reaction to the term NGO (as 'imperialist agents'), and ask if there are lessons to be learnt from the thousands of experiments thus far launched by Nepali NGOs in the last 20 years alone, that are useful to the new Nepal in the making.
Finally our collective romance with the state has been excessive. The increasing incidence of violence amidst the young in our society is one result of this romance. Those who advocate non-violent means of societal transformation have to not only ensure the cessation of violence at the state level, but also provide guidance toward viable avenues to channel the idealism and the commitment of the young. NGOs can be one such avenue. That is not going to happen if NGOs continue to be described, in the boring idiom of “dollar kheti”.
Are there any takers out there?
(Onta is a historian based at Martin Chautari, an academic NGO in Kathmandu.)
TKP, 29/03/09
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have been defined variously in the academic literature and by practitioners. Ten years ago, in an article published in the journal World Development, A. Vakil defined NGOs as “self-governing, private, not-for-profit organizations that are geared to improving the quality of life for disadvantaged people”. This is the kind of definition of NGOs one is likely to encounter in the development literature. For my purposes here, some parts of this definition are fine while others unnecessarily restrict the domain of NGOs.
I do think of NGOs as self-governing, not-for-profit entities. However, I do not think NGOs should necessarily be defined as “geared to improving the quality of life for disadvantaged people.” Instead, I think of them as entities created by individuals who, exercising their fundamental right to form organizations, have come together to pursue some shared interest. It could be an interest to pursue some hobby with little potential for generating public good or it could be an academic interest with a potential for a large public good. This broader definition is especially significant for state-dominated societies such as the one in Nepal where the constitutionally protected right to form organizations to pursue one's interests -- no matter how weird, insignificant or important -- has a very short history. This broader definition makes NGOs interesting to a set larger than those in the development business. Defined this way, NGOs become a part of the story of the history of democratic transitions.
Having defined NGOs in this broad manner, let us now look at the working definition of 'knowledge' as used here. Without being caught up in philosophical discussions, I use the term here to refer to, in a very general sense, what is known from cumulative societal practice. I recognize that when defined so broadly, some people might say that knowledge is everywhere and everyone is a knowledge producer. They might add that any definition of knowledge useful for analytic purposes must come with some specificities: e.g. some form of specificity might be required in terms of its institutional sources of production (often through a process called research), techniques of its organization and dissemination through peer-reviewed books and journals, modes of pedagogy or forms of reproduction through print or other means.
From the vantage point of the modern universities and colleges engaged in research and teaching, say in the US, these specificities matter because they are the stuff of both disciplinary legitimacy and management, and the academic job market has been designed to pick up the corresponding signals. However, if we recognize the modern university as only one site -- a dominant one, no doubt -- in the landscape of the knowledge enterprise and disciplinary practices as only one form of cultural organization of knowledge production and reproduction, then it becomes obvious why we might begin with a more general definition of knowledge. Such a broad definition allows analysts to recognize that there are other institutional sites of knowledge production in the landscape, and prepares the ground for critical engagement.
When knowledge is defined thus, it becomes easy to see why a substantial number of NGOs in the global south are a part of the knowledge enterprise. This is so simply because, in the course of their work, they produce knowledge of various kind, quality and utility. Within this set of NGOs, many apply the knowledge they produce directly back into their work without bothering to document that knowledge in print, visual or hybrid media. Nevertheless, through practice, they help enhance the repertoire of knowledge in the societies where they work.
A smaller subset of other NGOs, however, produces such documentation without pretending to be in competition with universities, research centres or policy think-tanks. They engage in such practice mainly for three reasons. First, to provide evidence based on which they can design their advocacy work. Second, to enhance the visibility of their organizations. And third -- and this applies more for NGOs with a built-in culture of self-reflection regarding their work -- they recognize that documentation is essential not only to the effectiveness of their own practice, but also very useful to other practitioners-at-large who desire to learn from each other
And finally there is a tiny subset of NGOs that not only document knowledge but also produce academically engaging articles, reports, edited volumes, journals and monographs. These academic NGOs, often managed by academics whose knowledge and research skills have been credentialed by universities that also generate the faculty members who teach at traditional universities, make explicit claims to being knowledge producers, consolidators and distributors. In other words, through tangible end-products that are made public following very rigorous evaluation protocols that match those used by university-based academics and presses, these NGOs make claims to producing theoretically informed and contextually rich knowledge. Often lacking the social legitimacy of traditional universities or the financial certainty of state-supported academies (pragya pratisthans in our case) or research centers, these academic NGOs overcome their legitimacy deficit and financial uncertainty through persistent commitment to pursue excellence. In so doing, they have proven that they are serious institutional sites to reckon with as far as the global knowledge enterprise is concerned.
Why bother about NGOs in their knowledge production capacity? First, in what I have read of the published literature on NGOs, I have not seen much discussion regarding this aspect of NGO existence. Perhaps I have not looked at the right places (in that case, I would appreciate guidance). However, if I am right, the absence of attention to NGOs as knowledge producers is a result of how the development imperative forces us to focus on service delivery of the immediate relief mode and prevents us from looking at the agency of NGOs in the broader social canvas.
Second, since they constitute an important site in the landscape of the knowledge enterprise, NGOs should be a subject of critical public discussion. Their work needs to be elaborated and scrutinized in the manner similar to those in which analysts have looked at other institutions in the same landscape, namely, universities, academies, media, etc. Such a scrutiny is also a preliminary exercise in comparative thinking about the relationships between various types of knowledge production/producers and local and translocal efforts to democratize societies.
Third, at this juncture in Nepali politics, there are additional reasons to pay attention to NGOs as knowledge producers. After the new constitution is written and adopted and Nepal completes the journey from being a one-time unitary kingdom to a fully federal republic, it will still be the thousands of small effective practices backed by the resources of relatively more progressive federal units and a facilitating centre that will make Nepali society democratic. In other words, the new constitution by itself, will not be the magic wand that will deliver us a fully formed 'new' Nepal. In all sectors of society, many intermediate agents will be key to this transformation. Among them for sure will be NGOs in their knowledge production avatars (along with educational institutions, media, the private sector and so on).
Fourth, the political formation that is leading us through this transition, the Maoists, is long on revolutionary rhetoric and short on hands-on knowledge of everyday practices that will make our transformation a real one. The party leaders might want to acknowledge that accepting a pluralistic polity means that their articles of faith are not necessarily the last truths for everyone in our society. They might want to put aside their knee-jerk reaction to the term NGO (as 'imperialist agents'), and ask if there are lessons to be learnt from the thousands of experiments thus far launched by Nepali NGOs in the last 20 years alone, that are useful to the new Nepal in the making.
Finally our collective romance with the state has been excessive. The increasing incidence of violence amidst the young in our society is one result of this romance. Those who advocate non-violent means of societal transformation have to not only ensure the cessation of violence at the state level, but also provide guidance toward viable avenues to channel the idealism and the commitment of the young. NGOs can be one such avenue. That is not going to happen if NGOs continue to be described, in the boring idiom of “dollar kheti”.
Are there any takers out there?
(Onta is a historian based at Martin Chautari, an academic NGO in Kathmandu.)
Sunday, March 29, 2009
Saturday, March 28, 2009
Dying Kathmandu
Kesh B Malla
Newsfront Weekly, 14-20, July, 08
Kathmandu, one of the most beautiful tourist destinations, is also listed among the most polluted cities of the world. The rapid and unplanned urbanisation of the valley in the last decades, which was the result of centralised development system, contributed to the making of the polluted Kathmandu. Increasing population, polluting vehicles and industries have acted together to deteriorate the environment in the valley.
The environmental degradation especially of water and air has a great negative impact on the health of people. One of the most serious public health issues facing Kathmandu is water pollution. Water pollution in Kathmandu has further degraded the water resources (like river, pond, well, water spouts) to the level of extinction. The transformation of the Bagmati River into sewerage happened due to dumping of sewage and garbage into the rivers. And this took place due to lack of a well planned drainage system.
Such high level of pollution in the river has made aquatic life almost impossible and has thus naturally disturbed the ecosystem; not to mention the harmful chain reaction on the people living around the river area. Polluted rivers are home to many water-borne diseases such as diarrhea, dysentery, cholera, and skin diseases, through which an epidemic can spread anytime. Due to high pollution, a man made disaster can take place any time in Kathmandu.
Rapid urbanisation, poor transport management and maintenance are leading to deteriorating air quality in the valley. The recent report published by Ministry of Environment, Science and Technology (MoEST) states that the amount of particulate matter in the air in Kathmandu is gradually increasing in the last one year, leading to poor air quality. The concrete jungle that Kathmandu has now become, lacks enough greenery which could have absorbed some carbon dioxide.
This has happened due to significant increase in the number of vehicles in the valley, narrow and poorly maintained road network, and poor physical condition of vehicles. Earlier, the government had launched programmes like introducing environment friendly Safa Tempo, ban on polluting brick kilns, mass awareness and strict monitoring policies to control deteriorating air quality. Unfortunately, it has stopped now.
Envisioning a clean environment of the valley, many organizations have been vigorously working for long time. Some campaigns like Save the Bagmati River System have also been launched but they have not been successful. Maybe, it lacks coordination among the various agencies working along similar lines.
The root of problems behind the environmental chaos of Kathmandu, it seems goes back to the policy levels. There is a need of high level coordination and consensus building among various agencies. However, the importance of community empowerment and sensitisation campaign for a clean Kathmandu cannot be ruled out.
Newsfront Weekly, 14-20, July, 08
Kathmandu, one of the most beautiful tourist destinations, is also listed among the most polluted cities of the world. The rapid and unplanned urbanisation of the valley in the last decades, which was the result of centralised development system, contributed to the making of the polluted Kathmandu. Increasing population, polluting vehicles and industries have acted together to deteriorate the environment in the valley.
The environmental degradation especially of water and air has a great negative impact on the health of people. One of the most serious public health issues facing Kathmandu is water pollution. Water pollution in Kathmandu has further degraded the water resources (like river, pond, well, water spouts) to the level of extinction. The transformation of the Bagmati River into sewerage happened due to dumping of sewage and garbage into the rivers. And this took place due to lack of a well planned drainage system.
Such high level of pollution in the river has made aquatic life almost impossible and has thus naturally disturbed the ecosystem; not to mention the harmful chain reaction on the people living around the river area. Polluted rivers are home to many water-borne diseases such as diarrhea, dysentery, cholera, and skin diseases, through which an epidemic can spread anytime. Due to high pollution, a man made disaster can take place any time in Kathmandu.
Rapid urbanisation, poor transport management and maintenance are leading to deteriorating air quality in the valley. The recent report published by Ministry of Environment, Science and Technology (MoEST) states that the amount of particulate matter in the air in Kathmandu is gradually increasing in the last one year, leading to poor air quality. The concrete jungle that Kathmandu has now become, lacks enough greenery which could have absorbed some carbon dioxide.
This has happened due to significant increase in the number of vehicles in the valley, narrow and poorly maintained road network, and poor physical condition of vehicles. Earlier, the government had launched programmes like introducing environment friendly Safa Tempo, ban on polluting brick kilns, mass awareness and strict monitoring policies to control deteriorating air quality. Unfortunately, it has stopped now.
Envisioning a clean environment of the valley, many organizations have been vigorously working for long time. Some campaigns like Save the Bagmati River System have also been launched but they have not been successful. Maybe, it lacks coordination among the various agencies working along similar lines.
The root of problems behind the environmental chaos of Kathmandu, it seems goes back to the policy levels. There is a need of high level coordination and consensus building among various agencies. However, the importance of community empowerment and sensitisation campaign for a clean Kathmandu cannot be ruled out.
Corporate social responsibility in Nepal
Kesh B Malla
THT, 10/04/08
Nepal is going through political, economic and social transition and every sector is in a state of flux. The political situation is grim and unpredictable. The issues of economic and social development remain sidelined. In the given condition, time has come for every responsible citizen to contribute for the country’s cause in their own ways. In this process, the contribution of corporate houses can be immense as they are regarded as the “super citizens”.
They can be champions in solving social problems with their commitment towards the society expressed in terms of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) integrated in their core programmes. CSR refers to the contribution made by corporations/ business houses for the community they operate in. CSR is not simply a philanthropic act but a strategically important component of corporate world institutionalised by the concerned corporation itself. In other words, the corporation does not involve itself only in seasonal charity activities, but designs and integrates community development plans in its core annual management plan.
CSR is viewed not as an expense but as an investment that results in long-term profit. The efforts put into education, healthcare, employment, housing, environment preservation can prove a boon for both the society and the company. The industrial sector in Nepal contributes 23 per cent to the GDP while employing only three per cent of the population. In this connection, it also becomes important to assess the community development approach of the multinational companies (MNC) operating in the country. In Nepal, corporations like Standard Chartered Bank, Nabil Bank, Asian Paints, Yeti Airlines and some media houses claim to have started community development initiatives. The initiatives of some organisations to start campaigns like ‘Make Poverty History’ are laudable. But still the bulk of the work remains to be done.
The corporate sector can bring about meaningful differences in the lives of community members in many ways — planning and implementing its development programmes in partnership with NGO/INGOs, government organisations, academic institutions or by establishing its own trust or foundation. Intel’s assistance to academic institutions like IITs, IIS; Chevron and ICICI Bank’s association with NGOs and GOs and establishment of Wipro’s Ajim Prmeji Foundation in India can serve as good models for Nepali corporations.
Perhaps the true ethos of CSR is best captured in the following saying: “The Corporation cannot be an island of excellence. Along with the development of a business, the society around it too has to be developed. Otherwise, there are bound to be conflicts. It actually makes good business sense to work with the society in mind.” The need of the hour is to recognise the contributions of the corporate houses to social development and highlight them through media and thereby put pressure on other corporate houses to follow suit.
THT, 10/04/08
Nepal is going through political, economic and social transition and every sector is in a state of flux. The political situation is grim and unpredictable. The issues of economic and social development remain sidelined. In the given condition, time has come for every responsible citizen to contribute for the country’s cause in their own ways. In this process, the contribution of corporate houses can be immense as they are regarded as the “super citizens”.
They can be champions in solving social problems with their commitment towards the society expressed in terms of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) integrated in their core programmes. CSR refers to the contribution made by corporations/ business houses for the community they operate in. CSR is not simply a philanthropic act but a strategically important component of corporate world institutionalised by the concerned corporation itself. In other words, the corporation does not involve itself only in seasonal charity activities, but designs and integrates community development plans in its core annual management plan.
CSR is viewed not as an expense but as an investment that results in long-term profit. The efforts put into education, healthcare, employment, housing, environment preservation can prove a boon for both the society and the company. The industrial sector in Nepal contributes 23 per cent to the GDP while employing only three per cent of the population. In this connection, it also becomes important to assess the community development approach of the multinational companies (MNC) operating in the country. In Nepal, corporations like Standard Chartered Bank, Nabil Bank, Asian Paints, Yeti Airlines and some media houses claim to have started community development initiatives. The initiatives of some organisations to start campaigns like ‘Make Poverty History’ are laudable. But still the bulk of the work remains to be done.
The corporate sector can bring about meaningful differences in the lives of community members in many ways — planning and implementing its development programmes in partnership with NGO/INGOs, government organisations, academic institutions or by establishing its own trust or foundation. Intel’s assistance to academic institutions like IITs, IIS; Chevron and ICICI Bank’s association with NGOs and GOs and establishment of Wipro’s Ajim Prmeji Foundation in India can serve as good models for Nepali corporations.
Perhaps the true ethos of CSR is best captured in the following saying: “The Corporation cannot be an island of excellence. Along with the development of a business, the society around it too has to be developed. Otherwise, there are bound to be conflicts. It actually makes good business sense to work with the society in mind.” The need of the hour is to recognise the contributions of the corporate houses to social development and highlight them through media and thereby put pressure on other corporate houses to follow suit.
State of public toilets mirrors a city
Kesh B Malla
THT, 31/07/08
The fate of Nepalis is such that they cannot afford to meet even the most basic necessities of daily life. Defecation is one such essential which has become a bugbear for Kathmandu residents if nature calls them at the inopportune moments. Despite proudly declaring itself as the capital of the country, Kathmandu has not been able to provide this basic service to its denizens. The simple reason: Kathmandu has barely 50 public toilets for approximately 3 million people.
The 50-something public toilets, mostly run by municipalities in the Valley, are in a deplorable state with filth all around, sans water and flushing systems. One cannot comfortably relieve oneself in these sinkholes. The toilets in most government offices including hospitals and colleges are in a similar condition; even the big and modern-looking buildings lack proper toilet facilities. For example, Nepal Telcom office at Jawalakhel and brand-new Kathmandu Mall have very poor toilet systems, belying their modern outlook.
Municipalities as well as the local public should be held responsible for the paucity and maintenance of public toilets. The public has not been able to exert pressure on the municipalities due to the lack of awareness about health and hygiene; while the municipalities lack the will to carry out all its duties. Interestingly, some staff at municipality office believe that there are enough public toilets in the city and criticise the passers-by for not making the right use of the available ones. They believe that lack of awareness among the public on sanitation and high admission fees are major reasons for people not using public toilets, leading them to make empty plots and street corners filthy.
Further, with Kathmandu's unplanned urbanisation, the metropolitan authority has a ready-made excuse: lack of space in the busiest corners is hampering the construction of toilet buildings. On a positive side, public toilets directly run by Kathmandu Metropolitan City are in a relatively good shape, but again, they are very few around. KMC has plans to build some mobile public toilets at busiest junctions, keeping in view the lack of space for toilet building. But it is yet to be seen whether the promise is ever realised.
Often deemed the reflection of civility of any city, public toilet system may also contribute a lot towards creating a pleasant environment and ensuring sound public health. For that to happen, the major stakeholders in the society need to do their bit. Among them, the business community, as part of its social obligation, should play the important role of coordinating with the municipalities and NGOs in various areas to open toilet facilities. The municipalities, for their part, need to craft a new role for themselves in new Nepal. Similarly, local communities can function as pressure groups through their proactive actions; and the passers-by make best use of the available services.
THT, 31/07/08
The fate of Nepalis is such that they cannot afford to meet even the most basic necessities of daily life. Defecation is one such essential which has become a bugbear for Kathmandu residents if nature calls them at the inopportune moments. Despite proudly declaring itself as the capital of the country, Kathmandu has not been able to provide this basic service to its denizens. The simple reason: Kathmandu has barely 50 public toilets for approximately 3 million people.
The 50-something public toilets, mostly run by municipalities in the Valley, are in a deplorable state with filth all around, sans water and flushing systems. One cannot comfortably relieve oneself in these sinkholes. The toilets in most government offices including hospitals and colleges are in a similar condition; even the big and modern-looking buildings lack proper toilet facilities. For example, Nepal Telcom office at Jawalakhel and brand-new Kathmandu Mall have very poor toilet systems, belying their modern outlook.
Municipalities as well as the local public should be held responsible for the paucity and maintenance of public toilets. The public has not been able to exert pressure on the municipalities due to the lack of awareness about health and hygiene; while the municipalities lack the will to carry out all its duties. Interestingly, some staff at municipality office believe that there are enough public toilets in the city and criticise the passers-by for not making the right use of the available ones. They believe that lack of awareness among the public on sanitation and high admission fees are major reasons for people not using public toilets, leading them to make empty plots and street corners filthy.
Further, with Kathmandu's unplanned urbanisation, the metropolitan authority has a ready-made excuse: lack of space in the busiest corners is hampering the construction of toilet buildings. On a positive side, public toilets directly run by Kathmandu Metropolitan City are in a relatively good shape, but again, they are very few around. KMC has plans to build some mobile public toilets at busiest junctions, keeping in view the lack of space for toilet building. But it is yet to be seen whether the promise is ever realised.
Often deemed the reflection of civility of any city, public toilet system may also contribute a lot towards creating a pleasant environment and ensuring sound public health. For that to happen, the major stakeholders in the society need to do their bit. Among them, the business community, as part of its social obligation, should play the important role of coordinating with the municipalities and NGOs in various areas to open toilet facilities. The municipalities, for their part, need to craft a new role for themselves in new Nepal. Similarly, local communities can function as pressure groups through their proactive actions; and the passers-by make best use of the available services.
Friday, March 27, 2009
Student Union reform in new Nepal
Kesh B Malla
THT, 26/06/08
The student unions affiliated to different political parties were at the forefront of the fight for democracy during Jana Andolan II and even prior to the uprising. The student unions, though functioning more as a platform for future leaders who rise to play pivotal role in national politics from their respective mother parties, have been instrumental in socio-political issues; they have been vocal in favour of democracy and a republican state; and their efforts for restoration of democracy is exemplary for their international counterparts.
While appreciating the progressive actions of unions, they have done almost nothing for educational sector reform which is the major objective, along with student welfare, of any student union. For the welfare of students, what these unions have done so far is just recommend some students for admission (usually when the admission date has passed) by putting pressure on the administration, even when there are no seats available.
These kinds of irresponsible actions of student unions are deteriorating academic environment in government-run campuses. In fact, the student unions in Nepal have been found to be destructive in nature and worked towards dismantling campus environment, both physically and academically. Physically, they have not contributed even minimally to preserve campus environment. It is rare for student unions to speak against lack of proper toilet facilities and running water, shortage of desks and benches, broken windowpanes and filth all over campus premises.
With Rs 20-25 lakhs in budget, a clean campus environment would easily be possible if the students had the will. But our future leaders do not deem a clean atmosphere necessary. Instead, they claim to spend the amount on sports programmes. God alone knows where most of the money goes. Academically too, the student unions, as one of the significant stakeholders of education sector, are responsible for the deplorable state of the university, which do not even follow admission requirements like entrance and a fixed quota of students.
As an influential group, the unions could do a lot if they wish. But the educational programmes in government colleges, which mostly welcome poor students from villages, continue to be disrupted by political activities, which further contribute to poor quality of education they deliver. It is not a matter of concern for these student leaders as they rarely make to classrooms. The campus is just a political ground for most of them.
As one of the important stakeholders in education sector, student unions have the responsibility to take part in constructive activities inside the colleges they operate in. So, instead of contenting themselves with the appointment of officials picked up by their respective parties in the university, time has come for them to imagine a new educational environment in colleges and influence the educational policy of the country. This will contribute a lot in paving the way for the new and prosperous Nepal.
THT, 26/06/08
The student unions affiliated to different political parties were at the forefront of the fight for democracy during Jana Andolan II and even prior to the uprising. The student unions, though functioning more as a platform for future leaders who rise to play pivotal role in national politics from their respective mother parties, have been instrumental in socio-political issues; they have been vocal in favour of democracy and a republican state; and their efforts for restoration of democracy is exemplary for their international counterparts.
While appreciating the progressive actions of unions, they have done almost nothing for educational sector reform which is the major objective, along with student welfare, of any student union. For the welfare of students, what these unions have done so far is just recommend some students for admission (usually when the admission date has passed) by putting pressure on the administration, even when there are no seats available.
These kinds of irresponsible actions of student unions are deteriorating academic environment in government-run campuses. In fact, the student unions in Nepal have been found to be destructive in nature and worked towards dismantling campus environment, both physically and academically. Physically, they have not contributed even minimally to preserve campus environment. It is rare for student unions to speak against lack of proper toilet facilities and running water, shortage of desks and benches, broken windowpanes and filth all over campus premises.
With Rs 20-25 lakhs in budget, a clean campus environment would easily be possible if the students had the will. But our future leaders do not deem a clean atmosphere necessary. Instead, they claim to spend the amount on sports programmes. God alone knows where most of the money goes. Academically too, the student unions, as one of the significant stakeholders of education sector, are responsible for the deplorable state of the university, which do not even follow admission requirements like entrance and a fixed quota of students.
As an influential group, the unions could do a lot if they wish. But the educational programmes in government colleges, which mostly welcome poor students from villages, continue to be disrupted by political activities, which further contribute to poor quality of education they deliver. It is not a matter of concern for these student leaders as they rarely make to classrooms. The campus is just a political ground for most of them.
As one of the important stakeholders in education sector, student unions have the responsibility to take part in constructive activities inside the colleges they operate in. So, instead of contenting themselves with the appointment of officials picked up by their respective parties in the university, time has come for them to imagine a new educational environment in colleges and influence the educational policy of the country. This will contribute a lot in paving the way for the new and prosperous Nepal.
Maintaining Stone Waterspouts
Kesh B Malla
The Rising Nepal, 31/05/09
Hundreds of stone water spouts, which hold religious, cultural and environmental significance, lie in a poor state in Kathmandu. There are around 353 stone waterspouts in the Kathmandu Valley, which can contribute to improving the water supply especially during the dry season. Unfortunately, enough attention has not been paid to the maintenance and management of these stone waterspouts, letting many of them to go dry.
These stone waterspouts are threatened by decreasing rate of water flow, poor water quality, drainage and overall management problem. This has occurred due to the destruction of water sources, which are the raj kulo, ponds, wells and aquifers. Also due to availability of piped water, the traditional management system of these stone waterspouts has been grossly neglected.
The rapid urbanisation that has taken place in the past two decades in Kathmandu has also played a role in the destruction of the water sources. With Kathmandu coming under a concrete jungle, the groundwater table cannot sufficiently recharge. Similarly, some public places like Saptapatal Pokhari in Lagankhel, which is believed to be the source of many stone waterspouts around, have been encroached upon.
When Kathmandu is going dry, and there has been a lot of concern about its poor water supply system, these stone waterspouts - some of them functioning and serving as many as 20,000 people each - hold substantial meaning. When we cannot conserve and utilise the already existing resources like these, one may question what will possibly happen to the highly ambitious Melamchi project without proper management and limited community participation?
Proper attention must be given to enhancing community participation in the maintenance and management of these resources. Maybe, traditions like the ‘Sithi Nakha’ of the Newars, which is marked to preserve the stone waterspouts ponds and wells will help in their conservation. Once a year on this day, the wells and stone waterspouts are cleaned.
In the mean time, some positive initiatives have been taken up in places like Nagbahal, Alkwohiti and Wasahiti in Patan area, where the community is greatly involved in their conservation. And the community has given a new lease of life to the heritage by renovating them. Although some stone waterspouts have gone dry, the renovation has, at least, helped keep the relic intact.
Despite the involvement of several organisations working for the conservation of these stone waterspouts in the valley, the situation still remains bleak. There is a dire need for an active and responsible local community as well as authority to act upon this issue immediately.
The Rising Nepal, 31/05/09
Hundreds of stone water spouts, which hold religious, cultural and environmental significance, lie in a poor state in Kathmandu. There are around 353 stone waterspouts in the Kathmandu Valley, which can contribute to improving the water supply especially during the dry season. Unfortunately, enough attention has not been paid to the maintenance and management of these stone waterspouts, letting many of them to go dry.
These stone waterspouts are threatened by decreasing rate of water flow, poor water quality, drainage and overall management problem. This has occurred due to the destruction of water sources, which are the raj kulo, ponds, wells and aquifers. Also due to availability of piped water, the traditional management system of these stone waterspouts has been grossly neglected.
The rapid urbanisation that has taken place in the past two decades in Kathmandu has also played a role in the destruction of the water sources. With Kathmandu coming under a concrete jungle, the groundwater table cannot sufficiently recharge. Similarly, some public places like Saptapatal Pokhari in Lagankhel, which is believed to be the source of many stone waterspouts around, have been encroached upon.
When Kathmandu is going dry, and there has been a lot of concern about its poor water supply system, these stone waterspouts - some of them functioning and serving as many as 20,000 people each - hold substantial meaning. When we cannot conserve and utilise the already existing resources like these, one may question what will possibly happen to the highly ambitious Melamchi project without proper management and limited community participation?
Proper attention must be given to enhancing community participation in the maintenance and management of these resources. Maybe, traditions like the ‘Sithi Nakha’ of the Newars, which is marked to preserve the stone waterspouts ponds and wells will help in their conservation. Once a year on this day, the wells and stone waterspouts are cleaned.
In the mean time, some positive initiatives have been taken up in places like Nagbahal, Alkwohiti and Wasahiti in Patan area, where the community is greatly involved in their conservation. And the community has given a new lease of life to the heritage by renovating them. Although some stone waterspouts have gone dry, the renovation has, at least, helped keep the relic intact.
Despite the involvement of several organisations working for the conservation of these stone waterspouts in the valley, the situation still remains bleak. There is a dire need for an active and responsible local community as well as authority to act upon this issue immediately.
Informal Settlers of Kathmandu
Kesh B Malla
THT,16/10/08
Slums are the manifestation of abject poverty of the rural poor who have to come to cities like Kathmandu for jobs. But the unplanned, poor and sick city cannot accommodate their dreams. They end up settling down in open and public places. Most Nepalis are well aware of this fact, but they have their own stories to tell. Some complain, not against the government’s carelessness, but ‘encroachment’ by squatters (sukumbasis).
They often forget that these informal settlers (a recently published report suggests 78% of slum dwellers have citizenship and only 1% cent of Madheshi and Muslim population reside in the slums) are common Nepalis who have become riverside settlers not from choice but owing to vicious circle of poverty, and the decade-long conflict. Instead, the issue of legality is brought up. The fact that a settlement can be illegal, not the settlers, is conveniently overlooked.
According to a report by Lumanti (an organisation advocating housing rights for the poor), Kathmandu has 47 such settlements where 13,243 settlers from 2,844 families reside. Of them, 64% are from indigenous communities, 7% are Dalits, 1% Madhesis and Muslims and 28% are from other communities. The report further states that a good number of slum dwellers are uneducated; 53% are daily wage earners.
This should answer the suspicion many have regarding infiltration of the settlements by land mafia. The report does not suggest that these settlers have been used by the mafia, although the possibility of infiltration in some cases cannot be ruled out. Even then, the question arises:How logical is it to ignore the concerns of these settlers in the name of infiltration?
Furthermore, many associate squatters with theft and other urban problems. They accuse the settlers of polluting the already dirty rivers of Kathmandu. But areas like Shankhamool that has been home to informal settlers for nearly three decades still maintain a clean and green environment. Settlers there claim to have saved the river from the hands of the mafia.
Likewise, some of the media coverage on slum dwellers show them in a decisively bad light. Their wish for clean, green and planned Kathmandu is appreciable. However, the matter here is the poor people’s right to city, to housing and other basic needs. Slum dwellers often fear eviction and displacement, like the one that took place in Thapathali some years ago on the eve of SAARC summit in Kathmandu.
Thus the government has to take necessary steps to make Kathmandu clean and green, while not undermining the rights of the informal settlers who have been living in the same places, their only ‘homes’, for decades. If necessary, resettlement and rehabilitation processes should be stringently followed, but with the consensus of the settlers. To end on a positive note, somebody rightly said: Slum is not a chaotic collection of structures; it is a dynamic collection of individuals who have figured out how to survive in the most adverse circumstances and in the face of tremendous obstacles.
THT,16/10/08
Slums are the manifestation of abject poverty of the rural poor who have to come to cities like Kathmandu for jobs. But the unplanned, poor and sick city cannot accommodate their dreams. They end up settling down in open and public places. Most Nepalis are well aware of this fact, but they have their own stories to tell. Some complain, not against the government’s carelessness, but ‘encroachment’ by squatters (sukumbasis).
They often forget that these informal settlers (a recently published report suggests 78% of slum dwellers have citizenship and only 1% cent of Madheshi and Muslim population reside in the slums) are common Nepalis who have become riverside settlers not from choice but owing to vicious circle of poverty, and the decade-long conflict. Instead, the issue of legality is brought up. The fact that a settlement can be illegal, not the settlers, is conveniently overlooked.
According to a report by Lumanti (an organisation advocating housing rights for the poor), Kathmandu has 47 such settlements where 13,243 settlers from 2,844 families reside. Of them, 64% are from indigenous communities, 7% are Dalits, 1% Madhesis and Muslims and 28% are from other communities. The report further states that a good number of slum dwellers are uneducated; 53% are daily wage earners.
This should answer the suspicion many have regarding infiltration of the settlements by land mafia. The report does not suggest that these settlers have been used by the mafia, although the possibility of infiltration in some cases cannot be ruled out. Even then, the question arises:How logical is it to ignore the concerns of these settlers in the name of infiltration?
Furthermore, many associate squatters with theft and other urban problems. They accuse the settlers of polluting the already dirty rivers of Kathmandu. But areas like Shankhamool that has been home to informal settlers for nearly three decades still maintain a clean and green environment. Settlers there claim to have saved the river from the hands of the mafia.
Likewise, some of the media coverage on slum dwellers show them in a decisively bad light. Their wish for clean, green and planned Kathmandu is appreciable. However, the matter here is the poor people’s right to city, to housing and other basic needs. Slum dwellers often fear eviction and displacement, like the one that took place in Thapathali some years ago on the eve of SAARC summit in Kathmandu.
Thus the government has to take necessary steps to make Kathmandu clean and green, while not undermining the rights of the informal settlers who have been living in the same places, their only ‘homes’, for decades. If necessary, resettlement and rehabilitation processes should be stringently followed, but with the consensus of the settlers. To end on a positive note, somebody rightly said: Slum is not a chaotic collection of structures; it is a dynamic collection of individuals who have figured out how to survive in the most adverse circumstances and in the face of tremendous obstacles.
Thursday, March 26, 2009
Managing Temples in Kathmandu
Kesh B Malla
THT 02/04/08
Smell of incense, stinky buffalo dung and rotten flowers and fruits, stray dogs roaming around, cows basking in the sun, crowds of worshippers, priest sermonizing the newly wed couples — are among the ubiquitous features of temples in Kathmandu Valley. Kathmandu, a city of temples, attracts a good number of worshipper everyday. But despite the increasing crowds, little attention has gone into the management of these temples, as will be proven by a visit to any of the umpteen temples here.
It is ironical, and shameful in equal measures, to witness such a poor condition of the holy places that embody the spirit of Nepali culture and are sources of inner peace for the masses. It is difficult to spend any amount of time in Kathmandu temples due to their littered and unhygienic surroundings. Thankfully, monasteries, mosques, churches and gurudwaras in the city do a much better job managing their affairs. Hence one feels like visiting these places time and again.
For the better management of Kathmandu’s temples we can learn important lessons from many Indian temples that do not allow offering in any form in order to keep a clean temple environment; even breaking of coconut, which is a must in many rituals, is restricted. For this to happen here in Kathmandu, the public should be proactive and take the initiative as has been done in the case of Ram Mandir in Battisputali. The temple got a new lease of life after the local community took the initiative to conserve the ancient heritage, and the religious monument has now morphed into one of the ideal temples in the city.
Financial transparency in temples is another issue that the public should be aware about. Here again, vital lessons can be learnt from the south Indian temple of Tirupati, which attracts thousands of worshippers everyday and, through the same resources, contributes to the social development of the state. The temple, with sound and transparent management system, runs two universities, several schools and hospitals along with other charitable activities. Although, Nepali temples, unlike their Indian counterparts, might not attract such a huge number of worshippers, and thereby not collect a similar level of funds, they have only to gain by greater community involvement and transparent fund management system. But the temples here are not even in good physical condition, let alone their management being aware of their social responsibilities. Christian churches have performed a similar function all over the world. Some welfare activities have also been initiated by churches in Nepal.
If cultural tourism is to be developed, general people need to be proactive in the management of cultural and religious heritage in their areas. Sooner than later, people of Kathmandu, especially the staunch Hindus, need to learn lessons from the positive actions of other better-run religious places, and take the initiative to keep the religious sites clean, streamline their management and bring them in tandem with the society.
THT 02/04/08
Smell of incense, stinky buffalo dung and rotten flowers and fruits, stray dogs roaming around, cows basking in the sun, crowds of worshippers, priest sermonizing the newly wed couples — are among the ubiquitous features of temples in Kathmandu Valley. Kathmandu, a city of temples, attracts a good number of worshipper everyday. But despite the increasing crowds, little attention has gone into the management of these temples, as will be proven by a visit to any of the umpteen temples here.
It is ironical, and shameful in equal measures, to witness such a poor condition of the holy places that embody the spirit of Nepali culture and are sources of inner peace for the masses. It is difficult to spend any amount of time in Kathmandu temples due to their littered and unhygienic surroundings. Thankfully, monasteries, mosques, churches and gurudwaras in the city do a much better job managing their affairs. Hence one feels like visiting these places time and again.
For the better management of Kathmandu’s temples we can learn important lessons from many Indian temples that do not allow offering in any form in order to keep a clean temple environment; even breaking of coconut, which is a must in many rituals, is restricted. For this to happen here in Kathmandu, the public should be proactive and take the initiative as has been done in the case of Ram Mandir in Battisputali. The temple got a new lease of life after the local community took the initiative to conserve the ancient heritage, and the religious monument has now morphed into one of the ideal temples in the city.
Financial transparency in temples is another issue that the public should be aware about. Here again, vital lessons can be learnt from the south Indian temple of Tirupati, which attracts thousands of worshippers everyday and, through the same resources, contributes to the social development of the state. The temple, with sound and transparent management system, runs two universities, several schools and hospitals along with other charitable activities. Although, Nepali temples, unlike their Indian counterparts, might not attract such a huge number of worshippers, and thereby not collect a similar level of funds, they have only to gain by greater community involvement and transparent fund management system. But the temples here are not even in good physical condition, let alone their management being aware of their social responsibilities. Christian churches have performed a similar function all over the world. Some welfare activities have also been initiated by churches in Nepal.
If cultural tourism is to be developed, general people need to be proactive in the management of cultural and religious heritage in their areas. Sooner than later, people of Kathmandu, especially the staunch Hindus, need to learn lessons from the positive actions of other better-run religious places, and take the initiative to keep the religious sites clean, streamline their management and bring them in tandem with the society.
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